“The FSB is increasingly detaining people after their prison terms have ended”—Vladislav Yesipenko on his activities since his release
Source: Qirim Media
Author: Oleksandra Yefimenko
On March 10, 2021, in occupied Crimea, Russian security forces detained Vladislav Yesipenko, a journalist for Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. He was charged with allegedly possessing and manufacturing explosive devices. A Russian court sentenced him to six years in a penal colony, but an appeals court later reduced the sentence to five years in prison.
Yesipenko served his entire sentence at Kerch Colony No. 2. Thanks to the “one year for one and a half” sentencing system, he spent four years and three months in captivity. After his release, the journalist joined humanitarian missions in frontline territories and is actively engaged in international advocacy for the release of Ukrainian civilian prisoners who remain in Russian prisons.
A Humanitarian Mission on the Sumy
Region Border
The journalist begins his account of life after his release from Russian captivity not with his trips abroad—of which he has already made several dozen. He recounts how, for two winter months—December 2025 and January 2026—he worked as part of a humanitarian mission delivering medical aid to frontline communities. Vladislav joined the team as a driver. Together with medical personnel, he traveled daily to border towns in the Sumy region, sometimes as close as about five kilometers from the front lines. These are villages under constant artillery fire, which local doctors cannot always reach due to security concerns.
“There’s a French organization called ‘Dignitas Ukraine.’ They provide medical assistance to our civilians, transport doctors and medicines, and receive supplies directly from France. Every day, we traveled to places others couldn’t reach—sometimes the closest ones were about five kilometers from the front line. There are many villages there that come under daily artillery fire, so we transported doctors from Sumy and medical supplies to these communities,” says the journalist.
According to Yesipenko, these trips lasted about two months. During this time, the team made regular trips to remote settlements that other humanitarian services often could not reach. The mission team was small. It consisted of both Ukrainian medical professionals and several foreign volunteers. Among them were a French coordinator named Paul and a volunteer from New Zealand named Andrew. Andrew traveled thousands of kilometers to come to Ukraine and help people in the regions most affected by the Russian invasion of Ukraine, near the combat zone. He also points out that working in border communities involves constant risk.
During his stay in the Sumy region, the situation remained dangerous, and subsequently, the intensity of Russian attacks in this region only increased. We recorded this conversation during one of Vladislav’s regular advocacy trips; he says he worries about his fellow volunteers and constantly checks on them on social media while they’re helping people.
Speeches at International Forums
Since his release, Yesypenko has regularly participated in international events dedicated to supporting Ukraine and addressing the issue of civilian captives. One such trip took him to Berlin, where an annual event in support of Ukraine was held, attended by German politicians, human rights activists, and civil society organizations. According to the journalist, such events demonstrate German society’s significant interest in the war and Ukrainian political prisoners. The events are attended not only by former Kremlin captives but also by representatives of the Mejlis of the Crimean Tatar People and Ukrainian human rights and civic initiatives.
“I was in Berlin at an event held annually in support of Ukraine. There were a lot of people, and a great deal of attention was paid to the topic. Not only did I speak, but so did other former political prisoners; there were representatives of the Mejlis and many Ukrainians who talked about their work. It was important for me to see that Germans are genuinely interested in and supportive of Ukraine.”
Yesypenko also speaks at human rights organizations, universities, and international conferences. The audience at such events can vary—from a few dozen people to small groups. Yesypenko emphasizes that even small gatherings matter, as they help spread awareness about the situation facing Ukrainian political prisoners.
“I remember an example from my colleague Alsu Kurmashova. Only three people came to one event dedicated to political prisoners. But she spoke as if she were in front of a full hall. I believe that’s the right approach—it doesn’t matter how many people show up; you have to speak out, because you never know which words might make a difference,” Vladislav recalls.
According to the journalist, during such meetings he often talks about his experience in prison, the conditions under which Ukrainians are held in Russian prisons, and cases of torture. In some audiences, particularly at universities, listeners sometimes learn about the scale of this problem for the first time. After his talks, they ask how exactly they can help Ukrainian political prisoners. According to Yesipenko, he usually suggests several specific ways to provide support. The simplest of these is writing letters of support. In many countries, human rights initiatives organize pen-pal campaigns with people held in Russian prisons. Another way is through financial assistance. This can be targeted to support specific prisoners, particularly through care packages containing food or medication. Yesypenko also draws attention to the health condition of many political prisoners. According to him, people who have been held in Russian prisons for years often have serious health problems and require ongoing medical care. He speaks of the need to assist the families of political prisoners, particularly children who are left without one parent for years.
Vladislav’s advocacy trips include not only public appearances but also working meetings with representatives of government agencies. For example, during his visits to the U.S., he held several meetings a day in New York and Washington. Among those he met with were representatives of government agencies, diplomatic missions, and organizations dealing with hostage and prisoner exchange issues. According to Yesipenko, during such meetings, participants carefully take notes, ask follow-up questions, and inquire about possible mechanisms to support Ukrainian captives.
Some negotiations take place behind closed doors—with experts who work on hostage release issues in various countries around the world. One of the main focuses of Yesipenko’s advocacy work remains the fate of Ukrainian civilians held in Russian prisons. The main problem lies in the absence of a clear international mechanism for the exchange of civilians.
That is why, according to Yesipenko, third countries—in particular, neutral nations that sometimes act as mediators in negotiations—can play an important role. In some cases, it is precisely through such channels that people are successfully returned from Russian prisons. For this reason, international advocacy and public speaking remain among the key tools for keeping attention focused on the issue of Ukrainian civilian captives and raising awareness about them at the international level.
The Risk of New Cases After a Sentence
Is Served
A separate issue that Vladislav Yesipenko highlights in his speeches involves cases where people are not released upon completion of their prison terms. According to him, such cases have been on the rise recently. This refers to the practice where Russian law enforcement agencies open new criminal cases immediately before release or right after the sentence is completed. As a result, the person effectively remains in Russian prisons for many more years.
As an example, Yesypenko cites the case of Crimean political prisoner and journalist Dmytro Shtyblikov. After fully serving his sentence, he was unable to be released—a new case was opened against him, and the court imposed a new, lengthy sentence.
“He served his entire sentence but did not leave prison—he was given another 19.5 years. I believe this is already a trend. The FSB is now increasingly detaining people after their sentences end in order to impose new sentences.”
According to the journalist, Russia may be using this method to build a so-called “exchange pool”—people who are held for years and used as tools of political pressure.
He also mentions another case—that of Crimean activist Yevgeny Shved, whom he met while in Kerch Prison. Shved had previously been sentenced for “discrediting the Russian army” by publicly referring to the war as a war, as well as speaking out about the occupation of Crimea. After his release, he was detained again, and new cases were opened against him. The journalist suggests that in such cases, people may be charged with new, even more serious offenses—in particular, “extremism” or “terrorism,” which carry significantly longer prison terms. In his view, public attention is critically important in such situations.
“I believe we need to talk more about these cases and draw attention to them. If we write about these people, track where they are being transferred, and follow what happens to them next—this can influence the situation. Because usually, it all starts with interrogations and attempts to extract confessions.”
Yesypenko emphasizes that regular public attention to specific cases can reduce the risks for people remaining in Russian prisons and make it more difficult to apply new repressive measures against them.
Author: Oleksandra Yefimenko
On March 10, 2021, in occupied Crimea, Russian security forces detained Vladislav Yesipenko, a journalist for Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. He was charged with allegedly possessing and manufacturing explosive devices. A Russian court sentenced him to six years in a penal colony, but an appeals court later reduced the sentence to five years in prison.
Yesipenko served his entire sentence at Kerch Colony No. 2. Thanks to the “one year for one and a half” sentencing system, he spent four years and three months in captivity. After his release, the journalist joined humanitarian missions in frontline territories and is actively engaged in international advocacy for the release of Ukrainian civilian prisoners who remain in Russian prisons.
A Humanitarian Mission on the Sumy
Region Border
The journalist begins his account of life after his release from Russian captivity not with his trips abroad—of which he has already made several dozen. He recounts how, for two winter months—December 2025 and January 2026—he worked as part of a humanitarian mission delivering medical aid to frontline communities. Vladislav joined the team as a driver. Together with medical personnel, he traveled daily to border towns in the Sumy region, sometimes as close as about five kilometers from the front lines. These are villages under constant artillery fire, which local doctors cannot always reach due to security concerns.
“There’s a French organization called ‘Dignitas Ukraine.’ They provide medical assistance to our civilians, transport doctors and medicines, and receive supplies directly from France. Every day, we traveled to places others couldn’t reach—sometimes the closest ones were about five kilometers from the front line. There are many villages there that come under daily artillery fire, so we transported doctors from Sumy and medical supplies to these communities,” says the journalist.
According to Yesipenko, these trips lasted about two months. During this time, the team made regular trips to remote settlements that other humanitarian services often could not reach. The mission team was small. It consisted of both Ukrainian medical professionals and several foreign volunteers. Among them were a French coordinator named Paul and a volunteer from New Zealand named Andrew. Andrew traveled thousands of kilometers to come to Ukraine and help people in the regions most affected by the Russian invasion of Ukraine, near the combat zone. He also points out that working in border communities involves constant risk.
During his stay in the Sumy region, the situation remained dangerous, and subsequently, the intensity of Russian attacks in this region only increased. We recorded this conversation during one of Vladislav’s regular advocacy trips; he says he worries about his fellow volunteers and constantly checks on them on social media while they’re helping people.
Speeches at International Forums
Since his release, Yesypenko has regularly participated in international events dedicated to supporting Ukraine and addressing the issue of civilian captives. One such trip took him to Berlin, where an annual event in support of Ukraine was held, attended by German politicians, human rights activists, and civil society organizations. According to the journalist, such events demonstrate German society’s significant interest in the war and Ukrainian political prisoners. The events are attended not only by former Kremlin captives but also by representatives of the Mejlis of the Crimean Tatar People and Ukrainian human rights and civic initiatives.
“I was in Berlin at an event held annually in support of Ukraine. There were a lot of people, and a great deal of attention was paid to the topic. Not only did I speak, but so did other former political prisoners; there were representatives of the Mejlis and many Ukrainians who talked about their work. It was important for me to see that Germans are genuinely interested in and supportive of Ukraine.”
Yesypenko also speaks at human rights organizations, universities, and international conferences. The audience at such events can vary—from a few dozen people to small groups. Yesypenko emphasizes that even small gatherings matter, as they help spread awareness about the situation facing Ukrainian political prisoners.
“I remember an example from my colleague Alsu Kurmashova. Only three people came to one event dedicated to political prisoners. But she spoke as if she were in front of a full hall. I believe that’s the right approach—it doesn’t matter how many people show up; you have to speak out, because you never know which words might make a difference,” Vladislav recalls.
According to the journalist, during such meetings he often talks about his experience in prison, the conditions under which Ukrainians are held in Russian prisons, and cases of torture. In some audiences, particularly at universities, listeners sometimes learn about the scale of this problem for the first time. After his talks, they ask how exactly they can help Ukrainian political prisoners. According to Yesipenko, he usually suggests several specific ways to provide support. The simplest of these is writing letters of support. In many countries, human rights initiatives organize pen-pal campaigns with people held in Russian prisons. Another way is through financial assistance. This can be targeted to support specific prisoners, particularly through care packages containing food or medication. Yesypenko also draws attention to the health condition of many political prisoners. According to him, people who have been held in Russian prisons for years often have serious health problems and require ongoing medical care. He speaks of the need to assist the families of political prisoners, particularly children who are left without one parent for years.
Vladislav’s advocacy trips include not only public appearances but also working meetings with representatives of government agencies. For example, during his visits to the U.S., he held several meetings a day in New York and Washington. Among those he met with were representatives of government agencies, diplomatic missions, and organizations dealing with hostage and prisoner exchange issues. According to Yesipenko, during such meetings, participants carefully take notes, ask follow-up questions, and inquire about possible mechanisms to support Ukrainian captives.
Some negotiations take place behind closed doors—with experts who work on hostage release issues in various countries around the world. One of the main focuses of Yesipenko’s advocacy work remains the fate of Ukrainian civilians held in Russian prisons. The main problem lies in the absence of a clear international mechanism for the exchange of civilians.
That is why, according to Yesipenko, third countries—in particular, neutral nations that sometimes act as mediators in negotiations—can play an important role. In some cases, it is precisely through such channels that people are successfully returned from Russian prisons. For this reason, international advocacy and public speaking remain among the key tools for keeping attention focused on the issue of Ukrainian civilian captives and raising awareness about them at the international level.
The Risk of New Cases After a Sentence
Is Served
A separate issue that Vladislav Yesipenko highlights in his speeches involves cases where people are not released upon completion of their prison terms. According to him, such cases have been on the rise recently. This refers to the practice where Russian law enforcement agencies open new criminal cases immediately before release or right after the sentence is completed. As a result, the person effectively remains in Russian prisons for many more years.
As an example, Yesypenko cites the case of Crimean political prisoner and journalist Dmytro Shtyblikov. After fully serving his sentence, he was unable to be released—a new case was opened against him, and the court imposed a new, lengthy sentence.
“He served his entire sentence but did not leave prison—he was given another 19.5 years. I believe this is already a trend. The FSB is now increasingly detaining people after their sentences end in order to impose new sentences.”
According to the journalist, Russia may be using this method to build a so-called “exchange pool”—people who are held for years and used as tools of political pressure.
He also mentions another case—that of Crimean activist Yevgeny Shved, whom he met while in Kerch Prison. Shved had previously been sentenced for “discrediting the Russian army” by publicly referring to the war as a war, as well as speaking out about the occupation of Crimea. After his release, he was detained again, and new cases were opened against him. The journalist suggests that in such cases, people may be charged with new, even more serious offenses—in particular, “extremism” or “terrorism,” which carry significantly longer prison terms. In his view, public attention is critically important in such situations.
“I believe we need to talk more about these cases and draw attention to them. If we write about these people, track where they are being transferred, and follow what happens to them next—this can influence the situation. Because usually, it all starts with interrogations and attempts to extract confessions.”
Yesypenko emphasizes that regular public attention to specific cases can reduce the risks for people remaining in Russian prisons and make it more difficult to apply new repressive measures against them.
This is an automatic translation generated by DeepL.